Rafendi Djamin fights for human rights in Indonesia and the ASEAN
(written for the Peace Boat website, Dec 30, 2012 >>)
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Rafendi Djamin balances his roles as an activist and a government
representative – a tightrope walk. During a conference with
Peace Boat
and local NGOs in the port of Jakarta he spoke about
the relationship
between Japan and Indonesia
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When Rafendi Djamin invited his favourite author Pramoedya Ananta Toer
to the campus of Jakarta University in 1981, he did not foresee what
consequences this would have: Being imprisoned for three months without
trial under the "anti-subversive law". Because subversive he was in the
eyes of the Suharto military regime: An independent mind, a guy with
long hair, who liked to listen to Led Zeppelin and invited a communist
to the campus. Threatening, for sure. "I admired Toer for how he
describes the power of humanity vis-à-vis a colonial regime. I thought
we could learn a lesson about democracy and human dignity from him", he
tells the participants on Peace Boat, as it is heading towards
Indonesia. After returning from prison, Djamin was expelled from his
university. No other school in his home country accepted him because of
the allegations. "Experiencing human rights violations for myself, I
wanted to prevent this from happening to others", he remembers. With the
help of a scholarship Djamin went to the Netherlands and studied human
rights.
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How times go by: 28 years after being imprisoned for
being "subversive",
Rafendi Djamin has been appointed
representative of the Indonesian
government
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In the same city of Jakarta, 28 years later, the foreign minister
nominated Rafendi Djamin to represent of Indonesia to the ASEAN
Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) – a pro bono
function. "If that is no sign of progress, what is?" asks Djamin
rhetorically. According to a rotation principle, Djamin currently
presides over the Commission. An activist from conviction, he has been
advocating human rights in Indonesia ever since his imprisonment, first
in student groups founded during his European exile, now as Executive
Director of the Human Rights Working Group Indonesia, a network of NGOs
based in Jakarta. "I am independent and don't receive any instructions,
that is the unwritten contract. Of the ten countries represented in the
AICHR, only two governments dared to send an activist into the
Commission – Indonesia and Thailand."
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Strong laws, but a weak rule of law: Fighting for
human rights in Indonesia can be frustrating
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Many challenges still lie ahead of Djamin: 14 years after the end of the
Suharto regime, Indonesia continues to see human rights violations on a
large scale. 6,000 cases of land conflicts between local people and
businesses, often enhanced by police brutality, have been reported to
the National Commission on Human Rights in 2011 alone. Religious
minorities suffer from oppression and Papua, the Western half of the
island of New Guinea, continues to live under the legacy of the Suharto
regime. When it comes to denouncing these violations, Djamin is the
first in line: "The decentralisation of Indonesia was meant to eradicate
the concentration of power after the Suharto era – a good approach, but
it went too far. Local elites and corrupt oligarchies became very
powerful, they created their own by-laws which often undermine the
national legislation." More than 200 such by-laws regulate local
societies in Indonesia: Some restrict the movement of women under the
pretext of "morality", others limit the freedom of association and again
others allow large concessions of land for mining and plantations –
often more than the space available in the area. Conflicts with the
indigenous population are preprogrammed. The government has started to
scrutinize all new by-laws before they are being passed. But Jakarta
still has a long way to go: "The ministries in charge have for example
no experts in women's rights", Djamin shares. "So the government often
passes by-laws discriminating against women, because it lacks the
knowledge to argue against them."
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Artistic skills: Finding a compromise in ASEAN
requires a lot of patience
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Rafendi Djamin stands in front of a large screen outlining the vast
ASEAN region with all its economical, political and socially
disparities: from poor Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia until the rich island
state of Singapore, through which half of the world's crude oil passes.
He bends, kneels down and stretches out: It requires artistic skills to
outline the different regions – and an artistic mind to create a common
sense about an issue as sensitive as human rights. ASEAN was created in
1967 as a partnership between ten countries in South-East Asia, which
should help to prevent the mass atrocities of the Second World War from
happening again. But whereas Europe (1950), Americas (1969) and Africa
(1979) adopted their regional Declarations on Human Rights decades ago,
the issue remained untouched in Asia until the beginning of the 21st
century. Until today, gross violations such as torture, extra-judicial
killings, forced eviction and abuses against migrant workers and
indigenous people remain a serious problem in the whole region – as well
as internal conflicts in Mindanao, South Thailand and Myanmar. "It can
be difficult to find a common denominator", Djamin admits. "Sometimes
our negotiations end in a deadlock, because some representatives were
instructed to cling to a certain opinion." According to Djamin this
happens especially, when it comes to the right to free sexual
orientation and gender identity. "Some of my proposals have been
perceived as intrusive and intervening on domestic matters. Many
governments still regard human rights as an instrument used by outsiders
to undermine those in power."
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Rafendi Djamin as seen by the Japanese comic artist
Rokkaku Wataru. "We
enjoyed the Christmas dancing
with you", a participant wrote onto his
farewell poster.
The current head of AICHR was a popular guest,
not only
on stage
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Other countries always had a big influence in the Indonesian
archipelago, for better and for worse: Japan and Europe both supported
the Suharto military regime, but also assisted in the transition towards
democracy. "Our international partners tend to make superficial
judgements", deplores Djamin. "They see Indonesia as a fully fledged
democracy, so they actively support the government, but hardly any civil
institutions. That trend is wrong. We need to raise awareness and fight
against intolerance at the grass roots level." Today European (20,6 per
cent) and Japanese companies (12,6 per cent) are the largest investors
in Indonesia. "Trade could be a good entry point to promote human
rights", Rafendi Djamin proposes. "Companies should implement a social
clause before coming to an agreement – still, this is often neglected."
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"Sama-sama!" Rafendi Djamin found his place on the boat,
including assisting in an Indonesian language class
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Djamin can talk for hours about "mechanisms", "mapping" and "drafting"
declarations – the former subversive student has fully adopted the
diplomatic language. His double role as a NGO activist and a government
representative is a tightrope walk: On the one hand he tries hard to
gain the trust of the Commission and on the other hand he has to
convince many NGO friends that he is still independent. In November
2012, AICHR adopted a Human Rights Declaration, which defines common
values. However, it does not have the power to stop human rights
violations in the field or to hold violators accountable. "It can be
frustrating to draft good laws and then receive reports showing that
these laws are not implemented", Djamin confesses. "We can only set
standards for the future. Our mandate is too weak to settle cases." So
the year 2013 could again see several thousand cases of land disputes in
Indonesia, women being kept inside houses and migrant workers being
abused. "You will not see a change in one night. The Commission is still
developing, our hands and feet are not complete yet."